
To Help Deter China, NATO Should Expand Treaty to Include Hawaii
The greatest national security risk stemming from this surprising omission is before, not after, any actual hostilities with China erupt.
The greatest national security risk stemming from this surprising omission is before, not after, any actual hostilities with China erupt.
While the United States maintains extended deterrence commitments to South Korea and Taiwan, a pressing question looms—would the U.S. commit military forces at scale, and for as long as necessary, on both fronts?
Applying the zero trust approach to information technology is familiar territory, but applying it to operational technologies is fundamentally different—and far more complex.
The problem isn’t just about microelectronics that have shifted offshore over the last several decades. Rather, it’s about failure to act, even as the path forward is staring at us in the face.
Cutting the OSC endangers cooperation and coordination between the Israel Defense Forces and Palestinian security forces and the prospect of a functional Palestinian security structure in post-war Gaza.
Introduction of smaller, unmanned ships as an adjunct to the existing Navy fleet solves the problem of large ships not able to distribute combat capability.
Technology now empowers us to precisely attribute the source of attacks. failing to respond is tacit acceptance of current and future attacks. We must escalate deterrence measures along with implementing cyber defenses.
The rapid rise in housing prices across the country is the result of a housing supply deficit in the U.S. This lack of housing supply is now a defense readiness issue.
The military services are successfully embarking upon continuous improvement of the V-22, an aircraft absolutely essential to our military’s concepts of operation, especially in the Indo-Pacific.
It’s time to fix the frigate, and produce it in numbers, even at the expense of the larger DDG, and pair all manned combatant ships with unmanned “sidekicks.”
The AUKUS agreement introduces a significant risk: the potential for cyber threats exploited by adversarial nation-states or others opposed to the mission of AUKUS.
But several recent developments should lead policymakers to rethink the wisdom or feasibility of clearing a “pipeline” from this critical band for 5G expansion.
The case highlights how foreign actors, shielded by legal intermediaries, can engage in economic warfare against critical U.S. industries with little to no accountability.
Defense technology has advanced a lot since the 1980s and offers new opportunities that the U.S. is determined to seize.
The past months have shown that the Trump administration is more than willing to upend precedent, conventional wisdom and relationships to secure a “better deal” for America.
Adopting agile practices from the commercial sector allows government organizations to deliver the flexibility, innovation and readiness the mission demands while strengthening national security.
The Modular Open Systems Approach to aircraft design emphasizes the use of modular components with standardized interfaces. This allows for easier upgrades, maintenance and integration of new technologies over time.
While Russia seeks Ukraine’s subjugation in Europe and the People’s Republic of China looms as a rising danger to Taiwan across the sea in the Pacific, the military dimensions of space have grown ever more important.
A number of severe readiness challenges continue to affect the Navy, in terms of its vanishing cruiser force, crippling redesign of the Constellation-class frigate, poor readiness of the amphibious fleet and problems with the Landing Ship Medium program.
No analysis has yet proven that the new auction of the lower S-band spectrum won’t impair vital military systems, now and into the future. Done wrong, an auction could disable some of America’s most advanced capabilities.
President Donald Trump and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth are doing the right thing as they seek to cut billions from budgets. Here are five areas they should focus on that can help guide cuts and reshape the military, with national treasure spent on capabilities and force structure we need, rather than on what we don’t.
Artificial intelligence should have a role in any unified threat intelligence strategy for the U.S. military, because of its incredible potential to accelerate production of actionable intelligence and decision-advantage workflows.
The Navy may need to produce prototypes and deploy them to combat zones like the Red Sea in order to make rapid decisions in shipbuilding acquisition.
The advent of a new medical records-keeping system for veterans might sound like a minor, logistical turn of the screw. Far from it. It will change lives and it could save many.
Provoking conflicts with friends and disrespecting leaders of close allies like Canada is no way to conduct foreign policy.
The United States has ceded its leadership position in space-based positioning, navigation and timing, with stark ramifications for most all U.S. critical infrastructures and the U.S. military.
The U.S. must conduct aggressive on hypersonic and counter-hypersonic weapons, especially since adversaries have adopted precisely this mindset. A risk-averse mentality that demurs on military development will lose the United States the next war.
Ensuring our allies adopt semiconductor export controls that mimic the U.S. policies regarding these primary adversaries, especially China, would provide a nonpareil military advantage to the U.S.
The Purple Star School Program, a successful state-sponsored effort that military families rely on when moving from one installation to another and that also plays an important role by bolstering military readiness, needs an upgrade.
The Navy has had long-established conventions for naming ships. But the Navy has increasingly named warships for living people, including political figures, which has become a divisive issue. The next Navy secretary needs to get control of the dysfunctional naming process and restore a sense of order.