The lack of U.S. manufacturing for flat panel displays and reliance on Chinese sources present significant, potentially catastrophic risks to the U.S. military, economy and infrastructure.
The Navy’s program executive office for unmanned systems and small combatants is potentially on the chopping block. That’s a bad idea.
When compared with similar and more expensive U.S. warships, foreign vessels have come up remarkably short in combat capability.
For the U.S., the lesson is clear: fifth and upgraded fourth-generation fighters are essential for maintaining operational mobility and strategic flexibility.
Introduction of smaller, unmanned ships as an adjunct to the existing Navy fleet solves the problem of large ships not able to distribute combat capability.
The rapid rise in housing prices across the country is the result of a housing supply deficit in the U.S. This lack of housing supply is now a defense readiness issue.
The military services are successfully embarking upon continuous improvement of the V-22, an aircraft absolutely essential to our military’s concepts of operation, especially in the Indo-Pacific.
It’s time to fix the frigate, and produce it in numbers, even at the expense of the larger DDG, and pair all manned combatant ships with unmanned “sidekicks.”
But several recent developments should lead policymakers to rethink the wisdom or feasibility of clearing a “pipeline” from this critical band for 5G expansion.
Defense technology has advanced a lot since the 1980s and offers new opportunities that the U.S. is determined to seize.
Adopting agile practices from the commercial sector allows government organizations to deliver the flexibility, innovation and readiness the mission demands while strengthening national security.
The Modular Open Systems Approach to aircraft design emphasizes the use of modular components with standardized interfaces. This allows for easier upgrades, maintenance and integration of new technologies over time.
While Russia seeks Ukraine’s subjugation in Europe and the People’s Republic of China looms as a rising danger to Taiwan across the sea in the Pacific, the military dimensions of space have grown ever more important.
No analysis has yet proven that the new auction of the lower S-band spectrum won’t impair vital military systems, now and into the future. Done wrong, an auction could disable some of America’s most advanced capabilities.
President Donald Trump and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth are doing the right thing as they seek to cut billions from budgets. Here are five areas they should focus on that can help guide cuts and reshape the military, with national treasure spent on capabilities and force structure we need, rather than on what we don’t.
Artificial intelligence should have a role in any unified threat intelligence strategy for the U.S. military, because of its incredible potential to accelerate production of actionable intelligence and decision-advantage workflows.
The Navy may need to produce prototypes and deploy them to combat zones like the Red Sea in order to make rapid decisions in shipbuilding acquisition.
Provoking conflicts with friends and disrespecting leaders of close allies like Canada is no way to conduct foreign policy.
The United States has ceded its leadership position in space-based positioning, navigation and timing, with stark ramifications for most all U.S. critical infrastructures and the U.S. military.
The U.S. must conduct aggressive on hypersonic and counter-hypersonic weapons, especially since adversaries have adopted precisely this mindset. A risk-averse mentality that demurs on military development will lose the United States the next war.
Ensuring our allies adopt semiconductor export controls that mimic the U.S. policies regarding these primary adversaries, especially China, would provide a nonpareil military advantage to the U.S.
The escalating frequency and intensity of wildfires demands something new to combat them — a wholesale embrace of the most powerful technology available: military-grade artificial intelligence.
With the looming prospect of war with China in the near future, it’s time to focus on what the U.S. Navy’s Littoral Combat Ships can do for the Navy and Marine Corps.
Now that Donald Trump has won a second term, the Alabama congressional delegation is already lobbying to have the U.S. Space Command headquarters moved from Colorado Springs in Colorado to Huntsville, Alabama. That would be an unnecessary, expensive and disruptive move.
Taiwan should speed up adoption of a “porcupine” approach to its own defense, enabling it to inflict substantial damage to any invasion force through development of asymmetrical capabilities.
For decades under a religious dictatorship, Iranians have demonstrated a profound resilience and a steadfast desire for democratic change. The United States has a pivotal role to play in supporting these aspirations.
U.S. policy is burdened by strategic dithering — supporting Ukraine enough to not lose, but not enough to be victorious.
The next Navy secretary should create a group of upwardly mobile Navy, Coast Guard and Merchant Marine captains and Marine Corps colonels to experiment with new concepts of naval strategy and operations. The increasing tensions with China demand it.
President-elect Trump and his national security team want change in the U.S. military. They can score fast wins by correcting major defense program mistakes made by the Biden administration.
Here are a set of top priorities the new Trump administration should consider for the first 100 days in the Department of Defense.
